EACC

Europe security and defence: the way forward

Blog post by EU High Representative Josep Borrell |
Rising international tensions and conflicts at the doorstep of Europe urge us to take our collective security into our own hands. Lately, four major Member States advocated making security and defence a top priority for the Union. I fully agree: since the beginning of the mandate of this Commission, we have placed our Common Security and Defence Policy at the very heart of the EU’s external policy. And while we have a long way to go, there is now an increased momentum to strengthen our collective capacity for action.
“We have a long way to go, but there is an increased momentum to strengthen our collective capacity for action on security and defence.” – HR/VP Josep Borrell
At our EU Defence Ministers meeting earlier this week, we have set out an ambitious agenda to strengthen our ability to act autonomously as a Union whenever necessary and, at the same time, make the EU a better global partner and security provider.
In order to raise our Common Security and Defence Policy to the necessary level, we intend to improve our capabilities, develop our potential for common operations, enhance our partnerships and adapt our structures to new threats and a modified environment.
We are now beginning to work on a future Strategic Compass. What we need primarily in Europe is a common strategic culture: a common way of looking at the world, of defining threats and challenges as the basis for addressing them together. The Strategic Compass should help us get there. To kick off this process, I will present an intelligence-led threat analysis to Member States before the end of 2020.
Also by the end of the year, we have to reach an agreement on the 2021-2025 priorities for one of the core instruments of our security and defence policy, the Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO). At the same time, we need to spell out the conditions for third states’ participation in PESCO projects, which would allow us to act on a larger scale if necessary.
Equally urgent is the need to strengthen our tools to counter hybrid threats, including disinformation and cyber-attacks. The outbreak of Covid-19 has been a stark reminder of how critical the subject has become to protect our societies.
We must also develop the European defence industrial and technological base and reduce our critical dependencies from external suppliers. This week’s announcement on the first projects selected for funding under the European Defence Industrial Development Programme, demonstrates the potential in that area.
Yet if we want to be credible, our objectives need to be backed by adequate budgetary means. Hence the importance to reflect our security and defence priorities in the negotiations of the next EU budget for 2021-2017: all our ambitions in the area of operations, capabilities and resilience ultimately depend on the availability of financial resources. We also need to strengthen our capacity of action outside Europe: the new EUR 8 billion European Peace Facility will enhance the credibility of our efforts to collectively promote peace and security beyond our borders.
Member States have a key role to play in this budgetary challenge. At a time of increased global uncertainty, they need to maintain their levels of defence spending and avoid cuts at the expense of our collective security. Above all, Member States need to spend together, through common procurement and on commonly agreed capability shortfalls.
Our global partnerships remain a cornerstone of European security and defence. Working closely with NATO Secretary General Stoltenberg, we made pragmatic proposals to strengthen further our cooperation in areas such as military mobility and exercises. By reinforcing our capabilities in security and defence, Europe is strengthening the transatlantic alliance. We also intend to develop further our partnership with the United Nations, a concrete demonstration of EU’s commitment to a rules-based international order.
It is by advancing together on these different tracks that we will be able to gradually build and implement a credible and effective EU security and defence agenda. We will go decisively ahead on this front with the support of all EU Member States.
Compliments of the European External Action Service (EEAS).

EACC

Federal Reserve announces FraudClassifier Model to help organizations classify fraud involving payments

The Federal Reserve today published the FraudClassifier model—a set of tools and materials to help provide a consistent way to classify and better understand the magnitude of fraudulent activity and how it occurs across the payments industry. The model was developed by the Fraud Definitions Work Group, which was comprised of Federal Reserve and payments industry fraud experts.
“The FraudClassifier model can help address the industrywide challenge of inconsistent classifications for fraud involving ACH, wire, or check payments,” said Jim Cunha, secure payments strategy leader and senior vice president at the Federal Reserve Bank of Boston. “The FraudClassifier model enables payments stakeholders to classify fraud in a simple and similar manner. It can be applied across an organization to help ensure greater internal consistency in fraud classification, more robust information and better fraud tracking.”
The key advantage of the FraudClassifier model is the ability for organizations to use it to classify fraud independently of payment type, payment channel or other payment characteristics. The model presents a series of questions, beginning with who initiated the payment to differentiate payments initiated by authorized or unauthorized parties. Each of the classifications is supported by definitions that allow for consistent application of the FraudClassifier model across the industry.
The Fraud Definitions Work Group also developed and recommended an industry adoption roadmap, which outlines a strategy and potential steps to encourage voluntary industrywide use of the FraudClassifier model.
Learn more—and sign up to access educational resources and support tools for the FraudClassifier model—by visiting FedPaymentsImprovement.org.
About the Federal Reserve and Payments
As the U.S. central bank, the Federal Reserve System provides payment services and seeks to foster the stability, integrity and efficiency of the nation’s monetary, financial and payment systems. In 2013, the Federal Reserve initiated a broadly collaborative effort to enhance the end-to-end speed, security and efficiency of payments in the United States. As an outcome of that collaboration, the Federal Reserve is committed to pursuit of five desired outcomes outlined in the 2015 Strategies for Improving the U.S. Payment System (PDF) paper: speed, security, efficiency, international payments and collaboration.
Compliments of the Federal Reserve Board.

EACC

OECD Secretary-General Angel Gurría has reacted to recent statements and exchanges regarding the ongoing negotiations to address the tax challenges of the digitalisation of the economy

“Addressing the tax challenges arising from the digitalisation of the economy is long overdue,” said OECD Secretary-General Angel Gurría. “All members of the Inclusive Framework should remain engaged in the negotiation towards the goal of reaching a global solution by year end, drawing on all the technical work that has been done during the last three years, including throughout the COVID-19 crisis. Absent a multilateral solution, more countries will take unilateral measures and those that have them already may no longer continue to hold them back. This, in turn, would trigger tax disputes and, inevitably, heightened trade tensions. A trade war, especially at this point in time, where the world economy is going through a historical downturn, would hurt the economy, jobs and confidence even further. A multilateral solution based on the work of the 137 members of the Inclusive Framework at the OECD is clearly the best way forward,” Mr Gurría said.
Mandated in 2018 by the G20 to deliver a consensus based solution by the end of 2020, the OECD has gathered 137 countries on an equal footing for the negotiations and has developed a two pillar approach, to be discussed in the following weeks leading up to a meeting of the Inclusive Framework in October 2020.
The OECD will maintain its schedule of meetings to offer all members of the Inclusive Framework a place in the design of a multilateral approach.
Compliments of the OECD.

EACC

Commission adopts White Paper on foreign subsidies in the Single Market

The European Commission has adopted a White Paper dealing with the distortive effects caused by foreign subsidies in the Single Market. The Commission now seeks views and input from all stakeholders on the options set out in the White Paper. The public consultation, which will be open until 23 September 2020, will help the Commission to prepare for appropriate legislative proposals in this area.
Executive Vice-President Margrethe Vestager, in charge of competition policy and  responsible for the cluster Europe Fit for the Digital Age, said: “Europe’s economy is open and closely interlinked to the rest of the world. If this is to remain a strength, we must stay vigilant. That is why we need the right tools to ensure that foreign subsidies do not distort our market, just as we do with national subsidies. Today’s White Paper launches an important discussion on how to address effects caused by foreign subsidies. The Single Market is key to Europe’s prosperity and it only works well if there is a level playing field.”
Commissioner for the Internal Market, Thierry Breton, said: “With today’s White Paper we deliver a key element for our vision of Europe’s New Industrial Strategy based on competition, open markets and a strong Single Market. The level playing field in the Single market is at the heart of this initiative and will help our companies operate and compete globally and thus promote the EU’s open strategic autonomy. As part of our Single Market rule book we need to prevent foreign subsidies from distorting procurement procedures and ensure that firms benefit from fair access to public contracts.”
Commissioner for Trade Phil Hogan said “The EU is amongst the most open economies in the world, attracting high levels of investment from our trading partners. However, our openness is increasingly being challenged through foreign trade practices, including subsidies that distort the level playing field for companies in the EU. Along with other tools available at EU level such as foreign direct investment screening and trade defence measures, the White Paper is a welcome addition to the toolbox for our open strategic autonomy.”
EU competition rules, trade defence instruments and public procurement rules play an important role in ensuring fair conditions for companies in the Single Market.
Subsidies by Member States have always been subject to EU State Aid rules to avoid distortions. Subsidies granted by non-EU governments to companies in the EU appear to have an increasing negative impact on competition in the Single Market, but fall outside EU State aid control. There is a growing number of instances in which foreign subsidies seem to have facilitated the acquisition of EU companies or distorted the investment decisions, market operations or pricing policies of their beneficiaries, or distorted bidding in public procurement, to the detriment of non-subsidised companies.
Moreover, the existing trade defence rules relate only to exports of goods from third countries and thus do not address all distortions caused by foreign subsidies granted by non-EU countries. Where foreign subsidies take the form of financial flows facilitating acquisitions of EU companies or where they directly support the operation of a company in the EU, or facilitate bidding in a public procurement procedure, there appears to be a regulatory gap.
The White Paper therefore proposes solutions and calls for new tools to address this regulatory gap. In this context, it puts forward several approaches. The first three options (so-called “Modules”) aim at addressing the distortive effects caused by foreign subsidies (i) in the Single market generally (Module 1), (ii) in acquisitions of EU companies (Module 2) and (iii) during EU public procurement procedures (Module 3). These Modules may be complementary to each other, rather than alternatives. The White Paper also sets out a general approach to foreign subsidies in the context of EU funding.
General instrument to capture distortive effects of foreign subsidies (“Module 1”)
Module 1 proposes the establishment of a general market scrutiny instrument to capture all possible market situations in which foreign subsidies may cause distortions in the Single Market.
Under this Module, the supervisory authority, which would be a national authority or the Commission, could act upon any indication or information that a company in the EU benefits from a foreign subsidy. If the existence of a foreign subsidy is established, the authority would then impose measures to remedy the likely distortive impact, such as redressive payments and structural or behavioural remedies. However, it could also consider that the subsidised activity or investment has a positive impact, which outweighs the distortion and not pursue the investigation further (the “EU Interest Test”).
Foreign subsidies facilitating the acquisition of EU companies (“Module 2”)
The first module could be complemented by Module 2, which is intended to specifically address distortions caused by foreign subsidies facilitating the acquisition of EU companies. This module aims at ensuring that foreign subsidies do not confer an unfair benefit on their recipients when acquiring (stakes in) EU companies, either directly by linking a subsidy to a given acquisition or indirectly by de facto increasing the financial strength of the acquirer.
Under Module 2, companies benefitting from financial support of a non-EU government would need to notify their acquisitions of EU companies, above a given threshold, to the competent supervisory authority. The White Paper proposes that the Commission is the competent supervisory authority. Transactions could not be closed whilst the Commission’s review is pending. Should the supervisory authority find that the acquisition is facilitated by the foreign subsidy and distorts the Single Market, it could either accept commitments by the notifying party that effectively remedy the distortion or, as a last resort, it could prohibit the acquisition. Under this Module, the Commission could also apply the EU Interest Test.
Foreign subsidies in EU public procurement procedures (“Module 3”)
Foreign subsidies could also have a harmful effect on the conduct of EU public procurement procedures. This issue is addressed under Module 3. Foreign subsidies may enable bidders to gain an unfair advantage, for example by submitting bids below market price or even below cost, allowing them to obtain public procurement contracts that they would otherwise not have obtained. Under this Module, the White Paper proposes a mechanism where bidders would have to notify the contracting authority of financial contributions received from non-EU countries. The competent contracting and supervisory authorities would then assess whether there is a foreign subsidy and whether it made the procurement procedure unfair. In this case, the bidder would be excluded from the procurement procedure.
Foreign subsidies in the context of EU funding
Finally, the White Paper sets out ways to address the issue of foreign subsidies in the case of applications for EU financial support. All economic operators should compete for EU funding on an equal footing. Foreign subsidies may however distort this process by putting the beneficiaries of such subsidies in a better position to apply. The White Paper proposes options to prevent such unfair advantage. Among others, in case of funding distributed through public tenders or grants, a similar procedure would apply as the one foreseen for EU public procurement procedures. Moreover, the White Paper emphasises the importance of ensuring that international financial institutions that implement projects supported by the EU budget, like EIB or EBRD, mirror the approach to foreign subsidies.
Next Steps
The White Paper is now open for public consultation until 23 September 2020. In light of the input received, the Commission will present appropriate legislative proposals to tackle the distortive effects of foreign subsidies on the Single Market.
Background
The European Council in its Conclusions of the meeting on 21 and 22 March 2019 tasked the Commission to identify new tools to address the distortive effects of foreign subsidies on the Single Market.
In its Communication “A New Industrial Strategy for Europe” of 10 March 2020, the Commission confirmed that by mid-2020 it would adopt a White Paper on an Instrument on Foreign Subsidies, to address distortive effects caused by foreign subsidies within the Single Market.
For more information
Factsheet: White Paper on Foreign Subsidies
DG Competition website on Foreign Subsidies
Compliments of the European Commission.

EACC

EACCNY #COVID19 Impact Stories from Our Members – USAM Group

Together with our members we are creating a Video series of first-hand accounts of the Pandemic’s impact, both personally & professionally.

We invite you to join us today for a first-hand look at the impact of the global shutdown following the Coronavirus (COVID-19) outbreak – Today we are featuring Feargal O’Sullivan, CEO, USAM Group a Member of the EACCNY.
The questions we asked our members for this series are:1) What are some challenges you, personally and your organization have faced?2) What are some of the most surprising (positive, innovative) responses/changes you have witnessed?3) How will this experience change us going forward, as a society and in terms of how we do business?

 
EACCNY has its finger on the pulse of how this worldwide pandemic is effecting companies and organizations on both sides of the Atlantic. EACC is where Americans & Europeans connect to do business.
Stay tuned for more on this series! We hope you enjoy these short vignettes our members and friends of the EACC created to share their experience.

EACC

Working group on euro risk-free rates recommends voluntary compensation for legacy swaption contracts affected by the discounting transition to the €STR

Working group recommends voluntary compensation for legacy swaption contracts
Market participants advised to contact swaption counterparties to discuss and decide on voluntary compensation
No single preferred option for implementing voluntary compensation, but several potential modalities identified.
The private sector working group on euro risk-free rates has today endorsed a recommendation that counterparties voluntarily exchange compensation for legacy swaption contracts affected by the transition of central counterparty discounting from the euro overnight index average (EONIA) to the euro short-term rate (€STR), which is planned for around 27 July 2020.
The working group, whose members come from the private sector, acknowledges that the modalities for implementing voluntary compensation may vary. It decided not to recommend one approach above others, as market feedback did not single out a preferred option. There was also no consensus around the scope of the swaption contracts to be compensated. The working group is also sharing additional information on what appear to be the most feasible and preferred options with market participants to assist them in making their own decisions.
The working group notes that this recommendation is based solely on feedback received from the public consultation launched in March of this year. It also stresses that any agreement between counterparties to make adjustments to their contracts or exchange compensation, whether based on the working group recommendation or not, would be entirely voluntary.
Compliments of the European Central Bank.

EACC

For a united, resilient and sovereign Europe

HRVP Josep Borrell and the Commissioner for the Internal Market Thierry Breton publish an article in several European media on the EU’s reaction to the Coronavirus crisis and the lessons learned “For a united, resilient and sovereign Europe”.
Beyond the health tragedy, the Coronavirus crisis will have an accelerating effect on the major trends at work on our planet. It invites us to take a fresh look at the world, and at Europe’s place in the world. It forcefully revives the central question of our autonomy, our sovereignty and our position as a player in world geopolitics, particularly in the face of growing tensions between the United States and China.
The era of a conciliatory, if not naïve, Europe has come of age. Virtuous “soft power” is no longer enough in today’s world. We need to complement it with a “hard power” dimension, and not just in terms of military power and the badly needed Europe of defence. Time has come for Europe to be able to use its levers of influence to enforce its vision of the world and defend its own interests.
Faced with the sudden and devastating effects of the crisis, our fellow citizens are fully aware of the need for a resilient and autonomous Europe, assertive of its values, strong in its convictions, firm in its ambitions and confident of its means. A Europe ready to contribute to the great balances of tomorrow’s world.
In order to come out stronger out of the crisis, the European Union must be equipped with a recovery plan that is commensurate to the needs of its industrial ecosystems. That is the goal of the von der Leyen Commission’s proposal for a €750 billion recovery instrument, including direct grants and long-term loans. The magnitude of these resources will allow the EU to strengthen and modernise its internal market by taking solidarity, the basis of European integration, to a new level. This is an historic step.
The crisis has revealed areas where Europe needs to be more resilient to prevent and better withstand future shocks. These include health protective equipment and medicines of course, but also more broadly key technologies, certain critical raw materials (such as rare earths), security and defence industries and the media. Without isolating ourselves from our partners, without engaging in protectionism, everything calls for increasing our collective capacity to protect our own values and interests.
How would we justify our lack of ability to protect, where necessary, our strategic activities weakened by the crisis from predation by non-European players? We also clearly need to diversify and reduce our economic and industrial dependencies, as the pandemic has brutally revealed. And in the framework of our current security and defence alliances, we must also strengthen our strategic autonomy around common and interoperable capabilities, critical technologies and infrastructures (such as cyber security, drones, secure networks, quantum technology). Europe has the capabilities to do this. Does it give itself the means to do so?
In the wake of the crisis, Member States may feel the budgetary pressure in the defence field. That will make it more necessary than ever to spend better together, rationalise and strengthen our common capabilities, including in the field of EU external action. This requires an ambitious budget for the European Defence Fund and its industrial and innovation capacities, as well as for the European Peace Facility for stronger and more operational cooperation.
Europe must also equip itself with the means to protect itself against disinformation, the “infodemic” which has grown dangerously worse during the Coronavirus crisis. To counter attempts of manipulation by foreign powers. With its strong democratic values and principles, Europe can and must serve as a reference point in striking the fine balance between freedom of expression and the fight against disinformation.
Solidarity between EU Member States will be the keystone of tomorrow’s Europe – a more autonomous and sovereign Europe. Solidarity between generations through the Green Deal. Solidarity between Member States to preserve and develop our internal market. Solidarity to consolidate our economic and monetary union and strengthen our social cohesion. Solidarity in the field of security and defence. Solidarity, in sum, to protect our shared values that underpin our common project.
Josep Borrell, High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Vice-President of the European Commission
Thierry Breton, European Commissioner for the Internal Market, responsible for the defence industry
Compliments of the European Union External Action Service.

EACC

EACCNY #COVID19 Impact Stories from Our Members – European Space Agency

Together with our members we are creating a Video series of first-hand accounts of the Pandemic’s impact, both personally & professionally.

We invite you to join us today for a first-hand look at the impact of the global shutdown following the Coronavirus (COVID-19) outbreak – Today we are featuring Frank de Winne, Head of the Astronaut Center at the European Space Agency a Friend of the EACCNY.
The questions we asked our members for this series are:1) What are some challenges you, personally and your organization have faced?2) What are some of the most surprising (positive, innovative) responses/changes you have witnessed?3) How will this experience change us going forward, as a society and in terms of how we do business?
EACCNY has its finger on the pulse of how this worldwide pandemic is effecting companies and organizations on both sides of the Atlantic. EACC is where Americans & Europeans connect to do business.
Stay tuned for more on this series! We hope you enjoy these short vignettes our members and friends of the EACC created to share their experience.

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EACC

The Global Economic Reset—Promoting a More Inclusive Recovery

June 11, 2020 | Blog Post By Kristalina Georgieva, Managing Director of the IMF
The COVID-19 crisis is inflicting the most pain on those who are already most vulnerable. This calamity could lead to a significant rise in income inequality. And it could jeopardize development gains, from educational attainment to poverty reduction. New estimates suggest that up to 100 million people worldwide could be pushed into extreme poverty, erasing all gains made in poverty reduction in the past three years.
“Policymakers must do everything in their power to promote a more inclusive recovery, one that benefits all segments of society.”
That is why policymakers must do everything in their power to promote a more inclusive recovery, one that benefits all segments of society.
Our new research, prepared jointly with the World Bank for the G20, focuses on how to increase people’s access to opportunities, no matter who they are and where they are from. More equitable access to opportunities is associated with stronger and more sustainable growth and higher income gains for the poor. But unlocking the full potential of all individuals is not an easy task.
The reality is that low-income households face higher health risks from the virus. They bear the brunt of record-high unemployment and are less likely to benefit from distance learning. Children’s nutrition may also be harmed by the disruption to school-provided meals. According to UN estimates, more than half a billion children worldwide have lost their access to education as a result of coronavirus lockdowns. Many won’t return to the classrooms after the pandemic, with girls more likely than boys to drop out.
These inequalities are truly shocking, but not unexpected. We know from experience and recent IMF analysis that major epidemics often exacerbate pre-existing income inequality.
A policy response like no other
The good news is that governments around the world have deployed extraordinary policy measures to save lives and protect livelihoods. These include extra efforts to protect the poor, with many countries stepping up food aid and targeted cash transfers. Globally, fiscal actions so far amount to about $10 trillion.
But given the severity of the crisis, significant further efforts are essential. This includes taking the measures needed to avoid a scarring of the economy, including from job losses and higher inequality. It is clear that increasing access to opportunities is now more critical than ever if we are to avoid persistent increases in inequality.
With this in mind, I would like to highlight three priorities:
1. Use fiscal stimulus wisely
Substantial fiscal stimulus will have to be deployed during the recovery phase to boost growth and employment. We know from the global financial crisis that countries that experienced larger output losses relative to the pre-crisis trend tended to have higher increases in inequality.
Yet securing a return to growth is not enough. Let’s remember the post-financial crisis reforms and investments that made banking systems more resilient. We will need a similar surge in reforms and investments during the recovery phase to significantly improve the economic prospects of the most vulnerable.
So, we will need a fiscal stimulus that delivers for people. This means scaling up public investment in health care to protect the most vulnerable and minimize the risks from future epidemics. It also means strengthening social safety nets; expanding access to quality education, clean water, and sanitation; and investing in climate-smart infrastructure. Some countries could also expand access to high-quality childcare, which can boost female labor force participation and long-term growth.
These efforts are critical to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals. But how can we significantly scale up spending when so many countries are now facing rising public debt? Public debt in emerging markets has risen to levels not seen in 50 years.
The IMF and the World Bank have championed debt service suspension as a fast-acting measure for countries that lack the financial resources to adequately respond to the crisis. The G20 has responded by agreeing to suspend repayment of official bilateral credit for the poorest countries, from May 1 through the end of 2020.
Over the medium term, there will be room to improve the efficiency of spending and mobilize higher public revenue. There will also be room for tax reform: for example, some advanced and emerging economies could raise their top personal income tax rates without slowing growth. Countries could ensure that the corporate tax system captures an appropriate part of the unusual gains received by the “winners” of the crisis, including perhaps from digital activities. And there should be a concerted effort to combat illicit flows and close tax loopholes, both domestically and internationally.
2. Empower the next generation through education
The virus-related disruption to education has left millions of children at risk of “learning poverty,” which means being unable to read and comprehend a simple text by age 10. Driven by poor access to quality schooling, learning poverty is already too high, especially in emerging markets and low-income nations.
Image Courtesy of the IMF.
We are also concerned about the long-term effects of the crisis on income and education gaps. In our research, we looked at the link between education and inequality. A 10-point increase in a country’s Gini coefficient (with such increases observed in some economies around the time of the global financial crisis) is associated with significantly lower educational attainment of about half a year. This could reduce lifetime earnings and cause income and opportunity gaps to become persistent across generations.
Image Courtesy of the IMF.
In other words, safeguarding our future means safeguarding our children. That is why we need more investment in education—not just spending more on schools and distance-learning capacity, but also improving the quality of education and the access to life-long learning and re-skilling.
These efforts can pay large dividends in terms of growth, productivity, and living standards. Simulations, based on a model reflecting an economy like Brazil, show that reducing the educational attainment gap by a quarter, relative to the OECD average, could boost economic output by more than 14 percent.
3. Harness the power of financial technology
COVID-19 has triggered a mass migration from analog to digital. But not everyone has seen the benefits; and the growing digital divide is set to become one of the legacies of the crisis.
What can policymakers do? A key priority must be to broaden the access of low-income households and small businesses to financial products, which will allow households to smooth consumption in the face of shocks and businesses to undertake productive investments. This “inclusion revolution” is now gaining momentum as governments are providing emergency cash transfers in record amounts. For example, in Pakistan and Peru, new support programs cover one-third of the population.
Reaching the most vulnerable can be challenging in developing economies, where nearly 70 percent of employment is informal. But this is where fintech opportunities abound. Think of the fact that about two-thirds of all unbanked adults (1.1 billion people) have a mobile phone, and one-quarter have access to the internet. Moving routine cash payments by governments into accounts could reduce the number of unbanked adults by 100 million globally, and even bigger opportunities exist in the private sector.
Of course, governments also need to manage fintech risks. Reforms are needed to promote competition, enhance consumer protection, and fight money laundering. Finding the right balance will be critical for lower inequality and growth.
Our research shows that greater access to finance and technology is associated with higher intergenerational income mobility. And we have estimated that there is a 2- to 3-percentage-point GDP growth difference over the long term between financially inclusive countries and their less inclusive peers.
Image Courtesy of the IMF.
In all these areas, the IMF is working with the World Bank and many other partners to support countries in this time of crisis. We are deeply committed to helping vulnerable groups through our hands-on technical assistance, policy advice, and lending programs. And we have increased our focus on social spending issues, including safety nets, health and education.
As they move forward, all governments will need to gear up for a more inclusive recovery. This means taking the right measures, especially on fiscal stimulus, education, and fintech. And it means sharing ideas, learning from others, and fostering a greater sense of solidarity.
If there is one lesson from this crisis, it’s that our society is only as strong as its weakest member. This should be our compass to a more resilient post-pandemic world.
Compliments of the International Monetary Fund.

EACC

EACCNY #COVID19 Impact Stories from Our Members – Richard Kibbe Orbe

Together with our members we are creating a Video series of first-hand accounts of the Pandemic’s impact, both personally & professionally.
We invite you to join us today for a first-hand look at the impact of the global shutdown following the Coronavirus (COVID-19) outbreak – Today we are featuring James Walker, Partner, Richard Kibbe Orbe a EACCNY member.The questions we asked our members for this series are:1) What are some challenges you, personally and your organization have faced?2) What are some of the most surprising (positive, innovative) responses/changes you have witnessed?3) How will this experience change us going forward, as a society and in terms of how we do business?

 
EACCNY has its finger on the pulse of how this worldwide pandemic is effecting companies and organizations on both sides of the Atlantic. EACC is where Americans & Europeans connect to do business.
Stay tuned for more on this series! We hope you enjoy these short vignettes our members and friends of the EACC created to share their experience.